Tudor Chester

(Work In Progress)

In English history the Tudor period begins with the death of Richard III (22 August 1485), which itself is taken as the end of the Medieval period. The period boundary is somewhat arbitary and also somewhat politicised. The Medieval period was seen by some historians as a relatively primitive time which came before the Renaissance and was associated with backwardness, superstition, ignorance and brutality. However the Medieval period is littered with what might be considered false starts of the Renaissance. The boundary has been contentious from the time itself as Henry VII hired chroniclers to portray his reign as a "modern age" with its dawn in 1485 at the Battle of Bosworth Field. By portraying Richard as a hunch-backed tyrant who usurped the throne by killing his nephews, the Tudor historians attached a sense of myth to the battle: it became an epic clash between good and evil with a satisfying moral outcome.



There are however a few useful markers, which, although scattered over a period of time, can be seen as indicative of significant change:


 * Introduction of gunpowder: Richard III took cannon to the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485 but died in what was an "old-fashioned" cavalry charge with the objective of personally defeating Henry Tudor. Gunpowder was by no means new, having been known since Roger Bacon (1267), and taking-off rapidly after about 1320. The end of the 15th Century saw innovations such as the trigger for firearms and the placement of cannons on ships. Henry VII's ships, the Regent and Sovereign, were among the first to carry enough cannons to deliver a "ship killing" blow at a distance.


 * Improvements in navigation and discovery of the Americas: in 1470, the Florentine astronomer Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli suggested to King Afonso V of Portugal that sailing west across the Atlantic would be a quicker way to reach the Spice Islands, Cathay, and Cipangu than the then only hypothetical route around Africa (only discovered in 1488), but Afonso rejected his proposal. The Columbus brothers eventually got funding for a westward voyage (having been turned down by Henry VII).


 * Growth of printing: nine days after the Battle of Bosworth, William Caxton published Thomas Malory's story about chivalry and death by betrayal — Le Morte d'Arthur — seemingly as a response to the circumstances of Richard III's death. Caxton had introduced the printing press to England around 1476 and its introduction did much to fix the English language on a standard dialect.


 * The Reformation: this is normally associated with Henry VIII, but has much earlier roots. The priesthood of all believers downplayed the need for saints or priests to serve as mediators, and mandatory clerical celibacy was ended. The spread of Gutenberg's printing press provided the means for the rapid dissemination of religious materials in the vernacular. Pope Sixtus IV (1471–1484) established the practice of selling indulgences to be applied to the dead, thereby establishing a new stream of revenue with agents across Europe and infuriating reformers. In England, John Wycliffe questioned the privileged status of the clergy which had bolstered their powerful role in England and the luxury and pomp of local parishes and their ceremonies. Wycliffe was posthumously condemned as a heretic and his corpse exhumed and burned in 1428.

Cheshire and Chester in the Tudor period cannot be considered without considering the earlier periods and the continuing existence of the Palatinate: the remnant of an adminstrative system that reached back in time through the previous royal earls, the Norman Earls of Chester and the Anglo-Saxon House of Leofric. The people of the Palatinate believed their county to be an entire political system of itself with its own parliament, council, courts and administration. The "Magna Carta" for example, did not apply to Chester or Cheshire and the knights of Ranulf de Blondeville who lived outside of Cheshire were known as "Knights from England".

At the start of the Tudor period, as a result of its special status, Cheshire occupied a unique position in England: but it was in the sixteenth century, that Cheshire lost its independence. In 1500, Prince Arthur kept court at Chester Castle as Earl of Chester; the palatinate had its own judicial machinery; it was financially distinct and had its own exchequer (also based at Chester Castle); it had no justices of the peace, no visits from the assizes; it sent no representatives to parliament; and men spoke of crossing from Cheshire into England. The absence of any dominant noble family (such as the Norman earls) had resulted in the emergence of a powerful local gentry. The canons of the college of St Johns jealously preserved its title of cathedral and the bishops of Coventry and Lichfield continued to own a palace in Chester, retaining the additional title of "Bishop of Chester" which was used interchangeably until the formation of the Chester diocese in the sixteenth century.



By the reign of Elizabeth only the Palatine Courts were left. Cheshire accounted to the Crown, had justices of the peace, was part of the assize system and elected M.P.s like any other county. The change had not been unheralded; ever since the Crown annexed the earldom in 1237, the integration of the palatinate with the nation had been under way. But it was the sixteenth century which saw the decisive conclusion, after which the men of the county, or at least the elite, accepted that they were part of the English political nation.

Chester in 1485
In 1484 the citizens of Chester were moaning about the state of the River Dee and claimed that Chester had no merchant ship of its own and that the port was:


 * "wholly destroyed because no merchant ship had been able to approach within 12 miles for 60 years".

Richard III, who possibly visited Chester in that year, obligingly cut the annual tax on Chester from £50 to £30. There have been many reasons proposed for the decline of the port of Chester: the water has never been sufficient to scour out an adequate navigation channel through the deep glacial silt. Man has also probably contributed to the silting up of the Dee. At one time the Dee Mills, owned by the earls of Chester, operated 11 waterwheels and also constructed a weir across the river at Chester, which reduced the tidal limit and the scour of the river. It is also possible that upland deforestation in Wales altered drainage patterns and also contributed to the silting.

The Stanleys
The most celebrated aristocratic family in late medieval and early modern Cheshire, were the Stanleys of Lathom and Knowsley and their connections. Sir John Stanley’s successful service to the crown starting with Richard II meant he left his origins as a younger son of the Stanley of Storeton family in Cheshire and became established as an important gentleman in Lancashire.

Stanley Palace actually has little to do with the Stanleys who would decide the fate of Richard III. It was only built in 1591 and did not becopme the property of a branch of the Stanley's until some years after that, around 1621. The Stanleys did however have close links with Chester as well a considerable skill at steering a course through rapidly shifting politics. John Stanley had been a retainer of Richard II who then managed be maintain his fortunes under the Lancastians. Unlike many of the Cheshire gentry, he took the side of the king in the rebellion of the Percys. He was wounded in the throat at the Battle of Shrewsbury, but survived to be rewarded with the tenure of the Isle of Man in 1405. Curiously, John Stanley has been proposed as one of the possible authors of "Gawain and the Green Knight", which emerged at the end of Richard's reign and appears to have some connections with Chester (see: Cheshire Dialect).

Later Stanleys were just as deft at politics. Chester was notionally on the Lancastrian side in the "Wars of the Roses" and in 1450 Sir Thomas Stanley (then Justice of Chester) called upon to supply troops to support the Lancastrians. In 1455 he mobilized a large force from Cheshire to help the Lancastrian cause, but arrived late for the Battle of St Albans (22nd May). In 1459 he turned up late for the Battle of Blore Heath. Prior to his return, the Stanleys had been communicating with the exiled Henry Tudor for some time and Tudor's strategy of landing in Wales and heading east into central England depended on the acquiescence of Sir William Stanley, as Chamberlain of Chester and north Wales, and by extension on that of Lord Thomas Stanley, 1st Earl of Derby himself. On hearing of the invasion, Richard III ordered the two Stanleys to raise the men of the region in readiness to oppose the invader. However, once it was clear that Tudor was marching unopposed through Wales, Richard ordered Lord Stanley to join him without delay.



According to the Crowland Chronicle, Lord Stanley excused himself on the grounds of illness, claiming that he was suffering from the "sweating sickness" (see: Pandemic), although by now Richard had firm evidence of the Stanleys’ complicity. After an unsuccessful bid to escape from court, Lord Strange (George Stanley) had confessed that he and his uncle, Sir William Stanley, had conspired with Henry Tudor. Richard proclaimed him as a traitor, and let it be known that Strange’s life was hostage for his father's loyalty in the coming conflict. William Stanley dismissed the threat with the words "I have other sons". Indeed, Richard allegedly issued orders for Strange’s execution on the battlefield at Bosworth Field, although in the event these were never carried out. The failure of Lord Stanley, to come to the aid of King Richard III at Bosworth contributed to King Richard's defeat. Lord Stanley, who was by then married to the future Henry VII's mother, Margaret Beaufort, is given a major role in Shakespeare's "Richard III". George Stanley's son was to survive as Thomas Stanley, 2nd Earl of Derby.

After Bosworth
In 1485 the citizens' sympathies seem to have been with the Tudors. Their mayor from 1484 to 1486, Sir John Savage (d. 1495), had close links with the Stanleys, and his son, also Sir John (d. 1492), led the left wing of Henry Tudor's forces at the Battle of Bosworth Field and was afterwards well rewarded (see this site for more information). The serjeant of the Bridgegate, Sir William Troutbeck, also fought for Henry at that battle. Richard III was abandoned by Lord Thomas Stanley, 1st Earl of Derby, Sir William Stanley, and Henry Percy, 4th Earl of Northumberland. Tradition holds that Richard III's final words were "treason ,treason, treason, treason, treason". Shakespeare messes-around with facts concerning the Battle of Bosworth in significant ways, he ignores the role of Thomas’s brother, William Stanley, who intervenes, according to the chronicles, with "three thousand tall men" to win the battle for Henry Tudor at the last minute. In fact, apart from a mention of him by Shakespeare in Act IV Scene 5, he ignores William Stanley altogether. In real history William Stanley was later executed: ten years after Bosworth he became involved in another plot (support of the pretender Perkin Warbeck), this time against the man whom he had helped to the crown. Warned in time, Henry had William Stanley seized, tried and beheaded. In the chronicles Richard is shown winning even the hand-to-hand struggle with Henry, until Stanley’s forces turn the tide. On stage, Richard is shown losing the battle before he meets Henry.

The following year Henry VII reduced the annual farm (tax) on Chester to £20 in perpetuity. The king visited Chester with his queen and his mother in 1493 or 1495, and in 1498 or 1499 his son Prince Arthur attended a performance of an Assumption Day play and presented a silver badge to the Smiths, Cutlers, and Plumbers' company. The citizens of Chester, not missing another opportunity to complain about the state of the River Dee now claimed that the city was:


 * "thoroughly ruined .. nearly one quarter destroyed because access for shipping had been impossible for 200 years"

Note that the period over which navigation had been hampered has increased from 60 to 200 years.

After the Treaty of Medina del Campo opened up trade with the Iberian peninsula in 1489, Spanish iron, and wine from Portugal, Spain, and Gascony became the basis for a dramatic expansion in Chester's overseas trade, which allowed other Mediterranean commodities to reach the city, and provided new markets for hides and cloth. Chester's trade with Spain focused on the Basque region and involved iron. Besides iron, small quantities of angora, silk and velvet, liquorice, train oil, woad, and Cordovan skins were sometimes carried. Trade with Portugal and Andalusia through the northern Spanish ports brought cork, dyestuffs, figs and raisins, litmus, pepper and herbs, oil, sugar, wax, and sweet wines to Chester from c. 1509.

Prince Arthur


Thomas Cowper was Page of Honour to Prince Arthur (19/20 September 1486 – 2 April 1502), Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester and Duke of Cornwall. As the eldest son and heir apparent of Henry VII of England, Arthur was viewed by contemporaries as the great hope of the newly established House of Tudor. His mother, Elizabeth of York, was the daughter of Edward IV, and his birth cemented the union between the House of Tudor and the House of York. Henry VII had risen to the throne of England with his victory over Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth Field. Henry's claim to the throne of England lacked almost all validity by heredity; his possession of the crown was primarily by right of conquest, and he faced a host of claimants still alive with arguably better legal claims. By contrast, their Most Catholic Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella were secure upon what was soon to be the united throne of Spain. They were looking for help against their hereditary enemy, France. Henry had a new son, the Spanish rulers a very young daughter; a marriage and alliance would help each. Henry would gain the acceptance of his position by a major foreign power, and the Spanish would obtain military help against France. Plans for Arthur's marriage began before his third birthday; he was installed as Prince of Wales two years later. At the age of eleven, he was formally betrothed to Catherine of Aragon. When Prince Arthur visted Chester from August 1498 until late Septeember it was only reasonable that he was accompanied by Thomas Cowper (and presumably others) to organise his movable household.

The "New British Traveller" (1819) described the Cowper family as follows:


 * The Cowpers of Chester descended from Thomas a younger son of the Cowpers of Strode in Sussex who was one of the gentlemen of the bed chamber in August 1498. Before the end of the year he married lsabella daughter and heiress of Richard Goodman Esq then Mayor of Chester. Their descendants have ever since continued in Chester and have repeatedly represented the City in Parliament served in all the offices of the Corporation &c The last male heir of this family died in July 1788 and on the death of his widow the house and estate descended to a branch of the Cholmondeleys who are related to the Cowpers by marriage.

There is some exaggeration here, as many other families appear far more often in the lists of Chester MP's and offices of the Corporation, while the Cowpers (with a few exceptions) play a relatively minor part. Thomas would however, as noted stay in Chester and marry a local girl. The mood in Chester at the time appears to have been upbeat. The Midsummer Watch Parade was first held during the mayoralty of Richard Goodman (in 1498) - organised by the City Guilds. There is an obvious difficulty in reconciling the dates of the visit of Prince Arthur to Chester (4 August 1498 - 19 Sept 1498) with the midsummer festivities during Goodman's mayorality, but it does indicate the nexus of significant events in which the origins of the watch parade is nested: the completion of a part of the Pentice, good progress on building the Abbey, an up-swing of trade with Spain, and of course the visit of the Prince.

The arrival of Thomas Cowper in Chester (1498) coincided with the final decline of feudalism. This was partly since the military shifted from armies consisting of the nobility and their serfs to professional fighters thus reducing the nobility's claim on power, but also because the Black Death had reduced the nobility's hold over the lower classes by increasing the cost of labour. Under the Normans land held from the king by knight service brought with it the obligation of the tenant to serve his lord for forty days in the field. Apart from the church, the king owned all the land, although the situation as regards the Earls of Chester was a little more complicated until Henry III took the Earldom back into royal hands. The decline of feudalism in the Earldom of Chester is reflected in the fact that Arthur Tudor came closest of all among the Earls of Chester of his time to reaching his majority - there were no adult Earls between the accession of Henry V (1413) and Henry Stuart's elevation to the Earldom in 1610 (Henry then promptly died of typhoid in 1612). Arthur's brother Henry VIII was created Earl of Chester in 1504, but was never invested and none of Henry VIII's children became Earl. Notably, there was only a titular Earl of Chester for only 21 of the 81 years from 1480 until the Restoration in 1560.



In 1506 Henry VII granted the "Great Charter" to Chester (see: Charters). This made the City of Chester (apart from Chester Castle) a county separate from the rest of Cheshire. The Mayor and Sheriffs were invested with authority to hold a Court in the Common Hall of the City for the trial of offences and claims of all kinds (except for treason) arising within the City, its suburbs, and hamlets, and Port-mote and Crown-mote courts were to be held before the Mayor. The forfeited goods of felons were to be the property of the citizens, who were also freed from the payment of all customs except those on wine and iron. The management and regulation of the Dee fisheries was vested in the Mayor and Sheriffs, as well as the control of the city markets. The twenty-four Aldermen were automatically justices of the peace by virtue of their office. As might be expected, putting the legal process into the hands of a largely self-electing body representing the mercantile community was a recipie for the development of vested interest.

Cheshire and England
As noted above, the Palatine administration of Cheshire had inherited quite remarkable rights of self government, or at least believed that it had. Before 1237 the Earldom of Chester enjoyed an unusual degree of financial independence of the crown. The effective head of the legal system in Cheshire, save for the crime of treason, was the Earl rather than the King. Its accounts, drawn up by the Chamberlain, were audited by the royal Exchequer and enrolled on the pipe rolls only during vacancies of the earldom. After the transfer of the earldom into royal hands its financial institutions were further strengthened. The Cheshire accounts were again audited at Westminster when the king was earl, but in the years 1254-1272, when the Lord Edward (later Edward I) held Cheshire, the county's finances were administered and audited at the Exchequer of Chester.

It would be in the Tudor period that Cheshire would come into direct conflict with central government over taxation. This was not the first such conflict. In 1450, Abbot John Saughall had headed the list of prominent men who petitioned Henry VI against the imposition in Cheshire of the tax voted by the Leicester parliament of 1450. They had stated uncompromisingly that (or so they believed):




 * "... the said county is and hath been a county palatine as well before the conquest of England as since distinct & separate from your crown of England within which recte: county ye & all your noble progenitors since it came into your hands & all earls of the same before that time have had your high courts parliaments to hold at your wills, your chancery exchequer, your justice to hold pleas as well of the crown as common pleas & by authority of such parliaments to make or admit laws within the same such as be thought expedient & behoveful for the will of you and of the inheritors & inhabitants of the same county & the enheritors of the said county be not chargeable nor liable nor have been bound charged nor hurt of their land, goods nor possessions within the same county nor the inhabitants of the same county of their bodies before this time by authority of any parliament held in other places than within the same county by any act but such as that by their own common assent assembled by authority within the same county have agreed unto."

There seems to be no basis for the assertion that Chester/Cheshire had somehow been a separate "state" before the Norman Conquest. Remarkably, they were successful: Henry VI accepted the petition in 1451. Of course, Henry had a few other things to worry about, the Hundred Year's War was going badly and rebellions were breaking out in England. Henry was also about to have a major mental breakdown which would leave him insane. That same year, following an attempt to carry out in Cheshire a resumption of royal grants, nearly a hundred gentlemen denied that the county palatine was subject to such acts of the English Parliament. They asserted that:


 * "All the tenants, and lieges, in the said county have not been among the members of any parliament and up to this time have been undisturbed and not bound by virtue of any Act in any parliament held outside the said county; unless they were specially required by any earl of the same county to pass any such Act within the said county, and assembled in Chester Castle in a certain accustomed house there, or in any other place in the said county assigned by the said earl, and there gave agreement for those same people to any such Act."

Beyond the control of the crown, despite the King (or his son) being Earl of Chester, early Tudor Cheshire was a lawless gangland in which warring local magnates battled for power. There was apparently an enduring faction struggle in Tudor Cheshire between the various Brereton clans and the Dutton family. In 1538, Bishop Roland Lee (as Lord President of the Marches) complained to Thomas Cromwell that the Brereton-Dutton feud "was destroying all order in the county". The protagonists were then Sir William Brereton of Brereton, the deputy-chamberlain, and Sir Piers Dutton of Halton, but thirty years earlier Dutton had been quarrelling with Sir Randolph Brereton, a quarrel which had ranged behind the chamberlain the Savage family, Sir William Pole, Richard and William Bone and the abbot of St Werburgh's. William Brereton complained that Sir Piers Dutton was, in 1531, impeding his duties as steward of Halton. Brereton was the one who gave Urian the greyhound to Anne Boleyn, and named the dog after one of his brothers. Urian was the dog which escaped its keepers while the court was on progress and ripped out the throat of a cow grazing beside the road. Henry VIII's accounts record compensating the owner of the cow. As Brereton stood in the way of Cromwell's plan to gain control of the Palatinate, he would have to go, and Cromwell soon found a pretext to have him executed.

In the Middle Ages the ordinary receipts of Chester included the profits of the demesne lands; fines and amercements; fees of the seal; forest dues; and customs. The reorganisation of government finances and the creation of the new revenue courts in the 1530s stripped away some of these sources. By 1547 the Court of Augmentations had assumed full responsibility for the financial administration of crown lands, and those functions passed to the Exchequer in 1554. In 1559 customs revenues were also lost. The Exchequer of Chester retained only resources such as judicial receipts and fees of the seal, and its importance as a financial institution declined rapidly.

The Exchequer of Chester also had local responsibility for collecting national taxes. Until 1540 Cheshire had no parliamentary representation and did not have to pay aids and subsidies; after 1540 these were levied in the palatinate as elsewhere in the kingdom. The consent of the county community was required for raising the mize, a local extraordinary tax. On several occasions the county's charter of liberties was confirmed by the crown in return for the tax, which came to be viewed as the cornerstone of palatine independence. However, it was also disliked for its uneven distribution, being levied on the basis of assessments fixed in or before the fourteenth century. In the last years of the Palatinate, the Exchequer lost to the English Chancery its competence over the issue of many important categories of letters, such as those concerning the officials of the Court of Great Sessions. The number of documents enrolled fell considerably, and their subjects were restricted largely to records of appointment and the admission of attorneys at the Exchequer of Chester. A few deeds and pleas were also included.

The Exchequer maintained its position as a court of equity well into the eighteenth century and remained popular for the settlement of claims for small debts. Its business fell off dramatically thereafter, and in 1816 its few remaining officials were either infirm or ignorant of its procedures.

Dissolution
The Reformation (alternatively named the Protestant Reformation or the European Reformation) was a movement within Western Christianity in the sixteenth-century Europe that posed a religious and political challenge to the Roman Catholic Church and papal authority in particular. The separation of the Church of England from Rome under Henry VIII, beginning in 1529 and completed in 1537 brought England alongside this broad Reformation movement.

Henry VIII
Henry VIII had few direct dealings with Chester. In 1522 the city was called upon to supply forces to defend the Scottish borders, and the mayor mustered a force of sixty soldiers to serve with Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey.

Chester Mystery Plays
The Chester Mystery Plays provide an interesting insight into some of the social factors at work in Cheshire during the Tudor period. These were organised and performed by the trade and craft guilds of the city but cannot be viewed in the same light as a 1960's works pantomine, as they had a deep social and religious significance. The origin of the plays is somewhat obscure, but similar plays were performed in York and Lincoln. The subject matter of the plays were "bible stories" a each play was traditionally assigned to one or more guilds. Somewhat curiously, the assignment appears to have links to the trade of the guilds who performed each one.

The plays were originally performed over two days. The event proved so popular that still later, around 1521, it was stretched to cover the three days of Whitsuntide, Whit Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday. The guild accounts of expenditure give us a fairly detailed picture of the sequence of events leading up to the performance of the Whitsun Plays. Though the mayor and council were the final arbiters of whether to produce the plays, the companies apparently could petition for a performance by submitting a 'bill' to the mayor. When the decision was favourable, the companies began to ready their materials and to practise their parts.

Their first but least difficult task was to ride the Banns. The guilds participated in a yearly procession at Midsummer whenever the Whitsun Plays were not performed; consequently, they could anticipate the demand for costumes and horses for the character who rode with them and be ready to ride in procession by St George's Day, the time David Rogers claims was set aside for the Banns. If the route for the Banns was the same as that for the Midsummer Show, the companies assembled at the Bars outside Eastgate, where the crier read the Banns and called forth the guilds. The route then took them past the prisons at Northgate and at Chester Castle, where they contributed money to the prisoners (in one year the Smiths spent two pence). The liberties of the city extended beyond the walls, but by passing through the major streets and by coming to each of the gates, the guildsmen would thereby reconfirm the city's boundaries and freedoms. At then end of the day there would be a feast. On the day the Smiths spent 2d on the prisoners, they spent six shillings on their banquet, and five shillings on minstrels.

At first glance, the attitude to the plays in the later Banns indicates that they were already considered more of a tradition than a meaningful art form. In the Banns attention is drawn to the curious wagon staging, the archaic language which may not carry meaning for contemporary audiences, and the dramatic crudity of allowing God to be impersonated on stage by an actor with a gilded face. The plays are compared disadvantageously to the sophistication of the modern theatre, its actors and audiences (this was written in Elizabethan times). The spectators are asked to make allowances for the time in which the plays were written and the circumstances of their performance:


 * "By craftsmen and mean men these pageants are played, and to commons and country men accustomably before".

Yet these disclaimers should not be taken too seriously. The later Banns are an attempt to defend the plays publicly against criticisms of them as theologically unsound and dramatically blasphemous. To present them as something once revolutionary which has now lost its purpose is a clever way of urging their continuation as a worthwhile but harmless local custom.

1603 - The End of the Tudor Period
The end of the Middle Ages co-incides with several major social and economic events which were to have far-reaching consequences. The Americas were discovered and the use of gunpowder became wide-spread, changing the nature of war. Ships increased in size, draft and range. Vastly different cultures came into direct contact, enabling the rapid growth of empires and contributing to the re-emergence of significant slave economies. Movable type enabled the rapid production of books, pamphlets and other printed works which were eventually to contribute to the undermining of the power of the church and the Reformation.

The dominant economic policy during the Tudor period was Mercantilism designed to maximize the exports and minimize the imports for an economy. It promotes tariffs and subsidies on traded goods to achieve that goal. The policy aims to reduce a possible current account deficit or reach a current account surplus, and it includes measures aimed at accumulating monetary reserves by a positive balance of trade, especially of finished goods. Historically, such policies frequently led to war and motivated colonial expansion. An early statement on national balance of trade appeared in Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, 1549:


 * "We must always take heed that we buy no more from strangers than we sell them, for so should we impoverish ourselves and enrich them."

In other words trade is seen as a zero-sum game in which any gain by one party required a loss by another, which would inevitably lead to armed conflict, and often, given the colonial aspect an expansion of the navy. This same economic principal appears to have operated on a lesser scale. The vast land holdings seized from the monasteries under Henry VIII of England in the 1530s were sold mostly to local gentry, greatly expanding the wealth of that class of gentlemen. The gentry tripled to 15,000 from 5000 in the century after 1540. Just what factors were dominant in the gradual slide to Civil War in the following Stuart Period is still the subject of debate.

Exploring Tudor Chester


Explore Queen Elizabeth Tudor's Chester as it was in 1581 (without the plague, fear of robbery or having a building fall on you) "mouse-over" on the map below will reveal various locations. Clicking on a location will reveal more detail. The Braun and Hogenberg map of Chester is the first known detailed map of the city. It dates from 1581, in the middle of the reign of Elizabeth I. Chester's population in 1563 of c. 4,700-5,200, which put it in the second rank of provincial towns, half the size of York and a third that of Norwich. Within the North-West, however, it was the largest town for sixty miles around. Frances Drake had just sailed around the world and the Nederlands had declared independence from Spain. Much of the city within the City Walls is undeveloped, with building restricted to narrow frontages along the principal streets. Much of the street pattern is recognisible as similar to that of modern Chester. The principal streets (Eastgate Street, Northgate Street, Watergate Street and Bridge Street) follow the line of the major internal roads of Roman Chester, with the familiar "dog-leg" at the High Cross. The bounds of Roman Chester are marked-out by Trinity Street, Weaver Street, Cuppin Street, and Pepper Street, with the Roman walls along those sections robbed-out and the Anglo-Saxon walls extended down to the River Dee: west to the Watertower and south from Newgate. It is after the Reformation, so the "monastic" lands to the west of the city centre have been sold-off. Much of the area between the walls and Nicholas Street will remain as open fields until the 18th to 20th centuries.

Tudor Architecture
While Chester is famous for its "Tudor" architecture, very little of it is original to the actual period 1485-1603 and most is Victorian "imitation". This does not stop reviewers on "Trip Advisor" writing screeds of utter rubbish about the "well-preserved Medieval buildings". James Harrison (1814-66) and Thomas Penson (1818–64) pioneered the Vernacular Revival "Chester Look", which was taken up and reached its peak artistic expression under the prolific John Douglas (1830-1911) and his contemporary, Thomas Lockwood (1829-1900). Other architects of that and the following generation included H. W. Beswick, James Strong, W. M. Boden, and Thomas Edwards.

The taste for mock half-timbered buildings persisted in Chester well into the 1920s, even though they were going out of fashion in most other town centres. Not all Chester's buildings of that kind were of poor quality, notwithstanding the comments made in 1929 by the dean of Chester's son, Francis Bennett, who deplored the replacement of "decent, honest Georgian" by "wretched, ill-designed black and white". For example, the Manchester and District Bank (later Royal Bank of Scotland) at the corner of Foregate Street and Frodsham Street was built to a well detailed design of 1921 by Francis Jones.

"Tudor" has become a designation for half-timbered buildings, although the truth is there are cruck and frame houses with half timbering that predate 1485 by quite a bit and the style bleeds early into the Jacobean era. The low Tudor arch was a defining feature of this style rather than simply the use of half-timbering. There is a good example of a Tudor-revival arch in the Old Rectory at the head of St Mary's Hill. During this period, the arrival of the chimney stack and enclosed hearths resulted in the decline of the great hall based around an open hearth that was typical of earlier Medieval architecture. Instead, fireplaces could now be placed upstairs and it became possible to have a second story that ran the whole length of the house. Tudor chimney-pieces were made large and elaborate to draw attention to the owner's adoption of this new technology. The jetty appeared, as a way to show off the modernity of having a complete, full-length upper floor. Early chimneys were often elaborate to again indicate the wealth of the owner.



"The Tudor House" is briefly mentioned by Hughes:


 * "We are now descending Lower Bridge Street which abounds on either side with those queer looking tenements not to be met with in such numbers and variety in any other city but Chester Here is one with the date 1603 evidently the residence in its earnest days of some Cestrian magnate long since returned to his dust."

Probably indeed dating from 1603 (which is the very last year of the "Tudor" period), extended to rear early-mid 17thC and altered in detail 18thC and later. The facade is a combination of Tudor and Georgian architecture with the lower half of the building being more Georgian in character and with the timber framed upper half being typically Tudor. The lower two storeys are brick to the front, but with an oak corner-post. The shopfront of painted brick has an oak door in Tudor-arched case with a 19thC two-pane shop window to each side with head-boards inscribed "TUDOR: HOUSE". Above the door is an erroneous date-plaque "1503". A jetty-beam at what would have been the top of the row level has strapwork-carved fascia on 4 brackets. The third storey has two 3-light mullioned and transomed leaded casements set proud of the wall-face. The fourth storey jetty is similar to that of the third storey. The alley on the south side has the name of, Hawarden Castle Entry and slopes up sharply. Inside, the cellar, in east part of south bay, is rock-cut with sump in middle, stone steps south west and earlier steps to a blocked entrance. The undercroft has a central wall, front to back, with openings. The Row + 1 level is notable for the plaster ceiling of the great chamber which is similar to that at Bishop Lloyd's House and may be from the same craftsmen. The Row was enclosed 1728 by Roger Ormes.

The other "original" Tudor structures in Chester include Stanley Palace, parts of the present Abbey Gateway and possibly some parts of the original Newgate.

Related Pages

 * Stanley Palace;
 * Dutton;
 * Cowper;
 * Charters;
 * Chester Mystery Plays;
 * Shakespeare and Chester;
 * Queen Dido: another "political play" with a surprising connection to the Minerva Shrine;
 * Chamber's Book of days: a collection of Chester folk-customs and some elaboration on what Chambers wrote;
 * Elen of the Hosts: just picking a few lines out of the Mystery Plays illustrates the rich political and religous context, both in legend and reality;
 * Midsummer Watch Parade: Chester's parade was nationally known as a pageant, and has been re-created for modern times;
 * Minstrel Court: where prostitutes and musicians paid their annual dues;

Online and Book Sources

 * Cheshire and the Tudor State, 1480-1560, ed. Tim Thornton;
 * The Administration of the County Palatine of Chester, 1442-1485, Clayton and Bennett;
 * "The Rights & Iurisdiction of the County Palatine of Chester. The Earls Palatine. The Chamberlains & other Officers. And Disputes concerning the Iurisdiction Of the Excheqr Court wth the City of Chester &c.": prepared for William, 6th Earl of Derby, on his appointment as Chamberlain of Chester in the first year of James I's reign, 1603.
 * THE PORT OF CHESTER IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY;
 * Cardinal Wolsey and the Abbot of Chester;
 * CHESHIRE AND THE ROYAL DEMESNE, 1399-1422;
 * REFORMATION RESPONSES IN TUDOR CHESHIRE c.1500-1577;
 * The Lord Edward and the County of Chester: Lordship and Community, 1254-1272;