Chester Station

Chester Station


Chester's historic Station is one of only twenty-two Grade I and Grade II* listed railway stations in the whole of England and one of only three in the northwest region (the others being Carlisle and Edge Hill, Liverpool). An old guidebook describes the Station as follows:


 * "Let us first inspect our commodious and convenient STATION. It is situated in Flookersbrook at one extremity of the borough although the suburbs of the town extend much further. The Chester Railway Station presents a noble pile of buildings in the Italian style remarkable for its beauty and grandeur of proportions it is the longest of all the railway stations in England. It is admirably adapted for the purpose of developing all these facilities and conveniences which are the characteristics of the railway system and forms the grand central terminus of all the lines meeting in Chester viz the London and North Western the Chester and Holyhead the Great Western and Birkenhead Lancashire and Cheshire Junction Railway Companies. The station consists of a facade facing the city of Chester 1050 feet long built of dark coloured bricks with dark facings and dressings. The centre of this building which is two stories high contains on the ground floor the usual offices, waiting and refreshment rooms and in the upper story are the offices for the general manager and for the Chester and Holyhead and Great Western companies in which the business connected with the lines is conducted. The number of offices and rooms exceeds fifty. The wings are formed by projecting arcades with iron roofs and are appropriated to private and public vehicles awaiting the arrival of trains. On the inner side of the office buildings a large platform extends which is chiefly used for departing trains and is 750 feet long; this and three lines of railway are covered by an iron roof sixty feet span, which is most elegantly designed; behind this shed, and only divided from it by a series of pillars and arches, is another shed for passenger trains, 450 feet long by 52 feet wide also covered by a beautifully constructed iron roof. The length of line immediately connected with the passenger station is about 15,000 feet, with 36 turn tables and numerous points and crossings."



If you ask a Cestrian what is above the main entrance of Chester Station, they will probably say a clock. However, the clock is actually offset so as to be visible down the length of City Road, at one end of which stands the Station. It was originally located in the centre of the building, where the British Rail logo is now but, when the Queen Hotel opposite was built in the 1860s, it obscured the view of the clock from City Road and it was subsequently moved to its present, rather ungainly, position. The frontage of the station was designed by Francis Thompson.

It is operated by Arriva Trains Wales. Inside the station is a memorial to its builder, Thomas Brassey, a well-known railway engineer (and another Cestrian). He was said to have been an enlightened employer much admired by his workforce, who, remarkably, built the entire station, as well as all the track, sidings and service buildings, in less than a year. A remarkable achievement, especially when compared with the length of time it took to re-lay a few pavements around it in 2007... The station opened in 1848. It used to be linked to the Queen Hotel opposite by a passageway - this can still be seen behind the taxi rank and carries a sign saying that 'carriages and post horses are for hire'. The station is also at one end of the Baker Way - a walking path to Delamere Station.

From 1875, Chester was also served by Chester Northgate station (owned by the Cheshire Lines Committee); however, that station was closed in 1969 and is now the site of "Northgate Arena" (a leisure centre).



Owls, Crows and WW2
If you are waiting on Platform 4, try to spot the two carved wooden owls which may be placed there to 'chase' pigeons away. This is probably a good thing as Chester does have a bit of a pigeon problem. Occasionally, the RSPCA gets phone calls from train passengers who believe an owl to be trapped in the station roof. A local urban legend is that "rookie" police officers were sent to investigate such reports made to the police. Chester Station is also the home of a 'murder' of crows - who are bright enough to realise the owls are fake.

A WW2 "Railway Control Centre" once stood in the station car park next to the Queen Hotel. This was a rectangular windowless concrete blockhouse, eventually used to store spare parts by Railtrack contractors. It had a dog-leg airlock at each end with steel gas-tight doors. Inside there was a large rectangular room running the length of the building, and a corridor with smaller rooms along the right hand side. There were no original features remaining apart from the doors. The building was demolished, following a controversy, in 2014.

Facilities


In March 2007, Chester Station was awarded a grant worth £1.4 million from the Heritage Lottery's Townscape Heritage Initiative for refurbishment. This was long overdue, as station facilities were in a poor state for years. Amongst other things, the grant was used to improve the concourse (dangerously slippery in wet weather), remodel the square outside and add strategic lighting outside to enhance the architecture.

The state of the station has been a regular complaint of readers of the Chester Chronicle. The station lifts were slow and unclean (although the concourse was generally clean and litter-free, unlike the tracks which are full of cigarette butts and crisp packets). As well as the dodgy concourse tiles, the public toilets used to be pretty disgusting, mostly lacking locks, paper, soap and hot water. There is a tiny WH Smith just inside the main entrance, which stocks a limited, range of newspapers, magazines and books. If you plan to buy food for your trip at the station, do it at Smith's - it has a good range of pricey but high quality sandwiches, as well as soft drinks (very expensive).

In Summer 2008 the first signs of the redevelopment were brought into use. The toilets had been heavily refurbished and the old Cafe (a rather quaint and high-ceilinged relic of the age of steam) on the main concourse had been demolished and replaced by a more modern facility, which adjoins the new travel centre.

There are two ATM cash machines inside the main concourse, to the right of the ticket barriers. These are standard bank ATMs, so you will not be charged for withdrawing money, unless using some foreign cards.

The station staff get the thumbs up, being very friendly and always helpful, even at peak periods.

Tickets
The ticket kiosk was originally located inside the main concourse, on the left. Since Summer 2008 there is now a new Travel Centre located to the far right of the main concourse. This has replaced the 1993 built ticket office and is in an open plan style. There are 4 windows on the main concourse and a fifth located on platform 3a for excess tickets. In busy periods (especially rush hour), there can be a short queue, so it's worth allowing extra time for buying your ticket. There are also ticket machines on the concourse - these are usually working but do tend to give a large number of pound coins in change (not funny when you've inserted a £20 note for a £3 ticket). Also, they do not appear to let you buy an off-peak ticket for Merseyrail in advance, if you try to buy a ticket during the end of peak travel time when the next train is actually an off-peak one.

Since the new ticket barriers were installed in summer 2006, you can no longer access the platforms without a ticket (and as far as we know, the station does not sell platform tickets). If you need to help someone elderly or infirm off/on a train, it's worth ringing the station first to check you'll be allowed platform access (or to arrange for the helpful staff to get the wheelchair ramp ready). That said, the ticket barriers are not always operating/staffed - sometimes, you can walk straight through. But don't count on it.

Travel
Direct travel from Chester is limited to a few options. You can get to Manchester via two routes: via Warrington on platform 4 (which takes just over an hour and stops at Oxford Road as well as Piccadilly), or via Stockport and the Delamere Forest (usually platform 5 but sometimes platform 6), which takes around 90 minutes and stops only at Piccadilly. The MerseyRail train from platform 7b will deliver you to Liverpool in 45 minutes: changing at Hamilton Square will get you to the western reaches of the Wirral. The North Wales line (platform 3) will take you as far as Bangor and Holyhead. You'll need to change at Llandudno Junction to get to anywhere else in North Wales that is accessible by iron horse. The last direct route is towards Shrewsbury, which will take you as far as Cardiff or Birmingham.

There is a shuttle train to Crewe. Changing at Crewe is essential for many journeys south, but there are more direct trains a day to London (platform 4) - now taking about two hours.



Transport Links
There is a free CityLink shuttle bus that you can catch directly outside the station to the city centre. Until the introduction of ticket barriers it was neccesary to show a valid rail ticket to board. However this is no longer the case and the service is completely free. There is a black cab rank outside and several bus routes depart for county-wide destinations from the stop across the square outside the Town Crier pub.

Parking
Despite their being parking at Chester Station, many people choose to park in the nearby streets, thereby avoiding payment. This is a cause of great inconvenience to local residents, who frequently find it impossible to park within reasonable distance of their own homes.

The Route
During the late 1830's there was much discussion of the possible route of an improved rail and sea communication with Dublin. With the passing of the Act of Union in 1800, creating the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, elected Irish members of the new United Kingdom Parliament sought the same quality of travel and postal facilities as their fellow members from England, Wales and Scotland. Improvements continued slowly, and by the time Thomas Telford had completed his A5 road with improvements through Shrewsbury, Llangollen, Betws-y-coed, Bangor and his Menai Suspension Bridge in 1826, the London to Holyhead journey by road and ship was down to under 30 hours. Chester's Grosvenor Bridge was to a large part a response to Telford's A5 route and the percieved threat to the historic Irish trade in Chester.

The proposed, competing routes were:


 * By rail from London to Chester (via Rugby), and then onwards by rail through Flint, Conway and Bangor to Holyhead, where the small existing port would need improvement. Apart from a few short sections (near the Great Orme, for example) the railway would run along a flat coastal strip from Chester to Bangor, and few tunnels would be needed. This was largely a traditional route from Chester to Angelsey, used by the Romans and various Norman and later English invaders over the centuries.


 * By rail from London to Shrewsbury, and thence up the valley of the upper River Dee and through hills and mountains to Llangollen, Corwen, Bala, Barmouth, Portmadoc and Portdinllaen (near Nefyn). From the latter there would be a sea-crossing to Dublin. While a shorter rail route, this would have been the most expensive to build. A similar railway line was later built, but only survives in part today. The great advocate of Porth Dinllaen was Henry Archer, Secretary of the Ffestiniog Railway Company, who engaged the services of Charles Vignoles to survey the route in 1835, although Vignoles produced three alternative routes.




 * London to Liverpool by rail, and then by sea to Dublin. This would have involved the longest sea-crossing and the Irish Sea crossing was both notorious in poor weather and needed pilotage from Holyhead into Liverpool.


 * Via Gloucester and New Quay in Cardigan Bay - a route favoured by Brunel.

Fortunately for Chester, the route chosen was that along the north Wales coast.

The Lines
From 1841 to 1871 Chester enjoyed thirty economic boom years. The main evidence for this is the extent of migration to the city and population growth, but prosperity was also reflected in a large rise in the number of businesses and in the amount of rebuilding in the city centre. The arrival of the railways reasserted Chester's importance for transport and consolidated its function as a service centre for the region. A limited growth in manufacturing further diversified the economy. In choosing their route through the City, and given the main imperative of creating efficient communication with Ireland through the new port of Holyhead, the railway avoided the City Centre, locating the station in an outlying area of marshy land known as Flookersbrook after the stream that ran through it. The land was occupied only by market gardens and a single row of cottages: one of which was occupied by a shoemaker who had to be forcibly evicted.

Subsequently other competing companies sought to redress this deficiency by proposing a new line to terminate beside the Cathedral in the Kaleyards. Their thwarted ambitions were represented by a line truncated at the now closed Northgate Station (opened 1875), again located on the periphery of the city above the tunnels of those lines leaving the General Station. Between the two stations lay groupings of engine and goods sheds for the many independent railway companies and the railway colony of Newtown. Very little is known about the layout of the area. An 1825 Map shows the area prior to the coming of any railways, with Brook Street being relatively undeveloped and ver little development in Hoole. John Wood's map of 1833 shows a little more development. The Tithe Maps from around 1838/9 show land ownership beginning to include railway companies and what appear to be the terminii of two lines near Hoole Bridge.



The origins of the General Station came about as a consequence of the fragmentary nature of early railway development where many individual companies built relatively short lines that only later came to form strategic national routes. The major routes into the station were all completed within the decade from 1840 to 1850. Lines to Birkenhead and a month later the Crewe begain the railway age in Chester in 1840 connecting through to the national rail network and London Euston. In November 1846 the Chester & Shrewsbury line was opened from Ruabon to Chester and by 1848 it was completed through to Shrewsbury affording a direct link from Chester to London Paddington. The Chester & Holyhead Railway was authorised in July 1844, but by November 1846 it was opened only as far as Saltney. Completion to Bangor followed in May 1848, Holyhead the final destination only being reached in 1850 on the completion of the Brittania Bridge across the Menai Straits. The last major line to reach Chester General was the Warrington Line of the Birkenhead Lancashire and Cheshire Railway. This line was authorised in 1846 and opened in 1850. A branch to Whitchurch opened in 1872 and the line to Mold & Denbigh as early as 1849. In November 1846 the Chester & Shrewsbury line was opened from Ruabon to Chester and by 1848 it was completed through to Shrewsbury affording a direct link from Chester to London Paddington. The last major line to reach Chester General was the Warrington Line of the Birkenhead Lancashire and Cheshire Railway. This line was authorised in 1846 and opened in 1850. A branch to Whitchurch opened in 1872 and the line to Mold & Denbigh as early as 1849.



Before the construction of the General Station the area to the immediate west of the present station was occupied by two stations, one for the Chester & Birkenhead and the other for the Chester & Crewe, Chester & Holyhead and Chester & Shrewsbury. Although consideration was given to relocating the General Station closer to the City Centre, it was decided to consolidate the operation about the existing track. In a co-operative spirit that was unusual at this early stage in the development of the railway system, the various companies agreed to pool their resources and for operational and passenger convenience construct a single large station. The four commissioning companies were the London & North Western Railway (now owners of the Chester & Crewe), the Chester & Holyhead (soon also to be absorbed into the London & North Western), the Shrewsbury & Chester (which in the following decade became a part of the Great Western empire) and the Birkenhead Lancashire & Cheshire Junction Railway (a name reflecting the incorporation of the former Chester & Birkenhead). The design was put in the hands of Francis Thompson and Robert Stephenson respectively the architect and engineer to the Chester & Holyhead Company – work commenced in August 1847 and the station was opened within the year on 1st August 1848.



Thomas Brassey
Thomas Brassey (1805-1870) was born near Chester, a farmer’s son. Thomas received a solid education in Chester. After schooling and at age 16 Brassey obtained an apprenticeship with surveyor William Lawton and eventually took over the business as a Civil Engineering supply and Contracting Company. The local surveys he conducted throughout the north of England had provided the foundations of his career as a railway surveyor and contractor. When he needed money he initially borrowed from his father, but as things progressed he opened an account in Chester and this enabled him to expand – from then on it appears that all his money was self generated.

His career took him into railway construction where he is credited with building one-third of the railways in this country, three-quarters of those in France and no less than 1 in 20 miles of the total world’s railways. Much nearer home as a civil engineering contractor he built Chester Station, the Queen Hotel opposite and the Cefn Mawr Viaduct. Brassey’s successful juggling of multiple contracts in far-flung parts of the empire rested not only on shrewd financial management (enabling him to survive the financial crashes in the rail industry during the 1840s and 1860s) but also on his ability to raise and run a huge labor force. His workers generally respected Brassey because he believed well-fed and well-rested workers were more efficient and produced better results than laborers who were poorly paid and fed. At the peak of his career he employed upwards of 85,000 men spread over the world and is said to have had as much influence on the world’s development as Alexander the Great. He built Chester Railway Station to the design of architect Francis Thompson with ornamental stonework by sculptor John Thomas. The railway engineers were Robert Stephenson and Charles Heard Wild.

The Station Buildings


The Italianate design chosen was derived from Thompson's earlier work at Derby Station and was the hallmark of the Chester & Holyhead. With the exception of the redundant Mostyn Station, Chester is often said to be Thompson's sole surviving work on this route, although his other works on the line were the stations at Holywell Junction, Flint, and Mostyn (now disused), Conwy (demolished), and Bangor. Upon completion in 1848 the station at Chster was said to be one of the largest in the world, and also with a length of nearly a quarter mile, the longest. The size of the station reflected the requirements of the individual companies who contributed to its construction rather than the likely demand from a small provincial city. The scale of the frontage building which provided office accommodation in 50 rooms was necessary to provide the administrative facilities for the then independent component companies. The length of the station building reflected a track layout which comprised only a single through platform of a length sufficient to simultaneously accommodate two trains travelling in opposite directions. These arrangements allowed Thompson to design a most impressive range of frontage buildings arranged symmetrical about a central two storey building flanked by arcaded west and east wings that provided for road carriage and wagon traffic. Immediately behind the central frontage building lay the single through platform (now platform 3), behind the western wing, reserved for passenger road carriages and Hackney cabs lay four bay platforms (the outer most surviving as the present platform 2). Behind the eastern wing dedicated to goods and parcels road wagons lay three terminal bay platforms (two survive, the farthest being the present platform 1). All platforms and track were afforded shelter by overall train shedding.



Before the late 1880s only relatively minor changes took place to the station including; during the 1860s the widening of the central entrance and relocating the station clock on an alignment with the newly laid out City Road, both introducing an asymmetry to the main frontage; the construction of the link passageway across the Station Forecourt to the Queen Hotel; the infilling of the loggia to the east pavilion and a narrow single storey extension between this area and the passageway. The first significant change to the original symmetrical layout occurred with the construction of the covered passageway between the Station and the Queen Hotel sometime post 1860. Soon afterwards this was followed by the infilling of the east pavilion loggia and the outward extension of the south façade of the east wing between the loggia and the new passageway. The construction of the passageway caused a fragmentation of the views of the frontage building as a whole but also came to define the extent of the forecourt and therefore the principal public approach to the station. It is a single storey structure which is distinguished by a raised covered carriage archway at its centre that allowed access to the service areas of the Queen Hotel and the Station goods and parcels facilities. Architecturally it adopts the style and materials of the Queen Hotel with stuccoed walls, semi circular headed sash windows set within recessed bays defined by simple pilasters. Both link and arch have a low pitched roof of slate, that to the arch being hipped.



The construction of a building in front of the arcade linking the western part of the main frontage building to the western road carriage wing significantly affected the character of the frontage as a whole effectively extending the carriage wing eastwards. (To this day, the arcade line remains behind this building despite the demolition of the train shed that it previously supported). This building occupies a prominent corner site, and as with the building of the Queen Passageway to the east came to define the western extent of the Station Forecourt. It provided Post Office accommodation and originally comprised of a single storey, the second storey being added later. As this building blocked the entrance to the west wing for road carriages a widened archway now had to be provided within the street frontage of this part of the building (the present vehicular access to BSP/Station House). 1889 marked the most significant modifications and extension to the station complex. This project included the construction of the north island platform (the present through platforms 4 & 7 and bay platforms 5 & 6) and its buildings, the north train shed, the pedestrian bridge and the scissors cross overs. As the site was occupied by the original goods shed a new facility to the north of the proposed new works was constructed in 1888. This building survived as the Hoole Enterprise Centre, until it was destoyed in the second Lightfoot Street fire. The present overall form of the station is basically still largely as it was when the 1889 rearrangement was completed, with much of this work surviving intact save for the partial demolition of the north train shed following a freight train derailment and fire in the 1970s (see below).

Two years later the platforms at the western end of the station were lengthened almost to Hoole Road Bridge and a further extensive area of coverall train shed added. At this time the station came to extend over 70 acres. Other significant changes included the raising of all of the single storey section of the eastern frontage building to two storeys and the later partial raising at the western part of the frontage building. Although the former is executed to match the original, the latter is a crude addition which detracts from this prominent part of the frontage. In the early part of the 20th century further single storey additions were made to either side of the Queen Hotel passageway (in part today occupied by British Transport Police). These ad hoc additions concealed part of the passageway frontage and contribute to a rather uncoordinated appearance to this part of the frontage. In the late 19th and early 20th century further additions and alterations, mostly of a more minor nature were made to the frontage building including; the addition in two phases of a second floor to the eastern end of the frontage building, the infilling of the east carriage entrance to the west wing, initially with a single storey building which was later to have a second storey added, and the construction of single storey buildings to both sides of the Queen passageway. The inter war years saw the last alteration of any significance to the frontage with the addition of a second storey to a part of the single storey section of the western frontage building.



The downfall in the fortunes of the Station began in 1959 with the demolition of the 1891 train shed and those parts of the 1842 shed over the central tracks and platform 3, and also with the withdrawal of the Whitchurch service over the eastern bay platforms. Further demolition took place in 1967 with the removal of the sheds between the current platform 2 and the frontage building when these bay platforms became redundant with the withdrawal of North Wales branch and main line stopping train services, and the express services to London Paddington. The southern side of the station forecourt developed slowly and never completely.



In 1859, twelve years after the completion of the Station, The Queen Hotel was opened, followed in 1867 by the sister Queen Commercial Hotel. These important buildings flanked the entrance to the new City Road. It was not however until the second decade of the 20th century that the adjoining Post Office Building (now converted to flats) was constructed next to the Queen Commercial so creating something of a square like sense of enclosure to the Station Forecourt. Another buildings fronting onto the forecourt included the "Pavilion Skating Rink", which existed in 1882 (it was used for Salvation Army Meetings which were often so crowded as to block the street and cause people to miss their last train from Chester) and was demolished in the 1960's. The site is now occupied by "Anfields" hardware and glass merchants.

In March 2007, Chester Station was awarded a grant worth £1.4 million from the Heritage Lottery's Townscape Heritage Initiative for refurbishment. In Summer 2008 the first signs of the redevelopment were brought into use. The toilets had been heavily refurbished and the old Cafe on the main concourse had been demolished and replaced by a more modern facility, which adjoins the new travel centre. Since Summer 2008 there is now a new Travel Centre located to the far right of the main concourse. This has replaced the 1993 built ticket office and is in an open plan style. There are 4 windows on the main concourse and a fifth located on platform 3a for excess tickets. Extensive "public realm" improvements in 2008 included new carriageway surfacing, footways & hard landscaping in high quality materials in front of the railway station. Works included planing & resurfacing, construction of footways, kerbing, ducting & drainage and all associated lining, signing & traffic management. One controversial "improvement" was the replacement of the iron lamp stands with modern ones.

Economic Effect


Chester was once a major port, so much so that when the Grosvenor Bridge was built between 1827-1833 in order to ease congestion on the Old Dee Bridge at Handbridge, which by the beginning of the 19th century was the only crossing across the River Dee in Chester. The Grosvenor Bridge was built (1833) high above the river for shipping to pass to the very short length of river upstream and below the weir. However, when a very few years later (1846) the railway bridge shortly downstream was constructed it was very much lower and reflected the shift from water to rail. By the 1830's traditional manufacturing trades, including the making of clay-pipes, clocks and gloves in Chester were in serious decline, if not entirely extinct. Ship-building was entering a terminal phase and rope-making barely survived. Both of the two cotton mills had closed by the 1820's, so one of the leading industries of the Industrial Revolution had failed to establish itself in Chester. While in the 18thC. the City Fair's had been dominated by linen (the trade peaked in the 1760's), by 1830 the trade was dead. The reasons for the collapse of the linen trade center around the decline in the Chester/Dublin sea-trade route, as its ends moved from Dublin to Belfast and Chester to Liverpool, as well as the substitution of cheaper cotton for linen. George Lee Fenwick commented:


 * "..for a long time [Chester] lay almost motionless upon the great tidal wave of progress which was sweeping past, but at length a movement became apparent, and even ancient Chester.. ..could no longer withstand the onward rush of events. The turning point dates from the accession of Queen Victoria." (A History of the Ancient City of Chester, 1896)

By the 1880's Chester was an important hub in the regional rail network and had three stations. The early rail network favoured North and Central Wales and the Marches and this reinforced Chester's connection with Wales, but, as few lines into south and central Cheshire opened before 1870, weakened links to the parts of Cheshire for which there was better rail access to Manchester, Warrington, Crewe, the Potteries, or Shrewsbury.

There were 311 men, working on the railways in Chester in 1851 and the number had risen to 499 people by 1861 (including five women). That has been estimated at just over 5% of the male labour force. By 1861 the London and North Western and Great Western Railways were the two biggest employers in the city - 100 porters at Chester General station alone and at least 76 railway labourers in the city. The majority, both skilled and unskilled, seem to have come from an existing national pool of labour and had been born outside either Chester or Cheshire, but these (relatively poorly paid) migrant workers added new spending power to the Chester economy.

The proportion of Chester's trade from north and mid Wales grew with the opening of the railways to Shrewsbury and Holyhead. Before the arrival of the railway, industrial Flintshire seems to have dominated the Chester/Welsh trade. The railway to Wrexham and Ruabon gave the Denbighshire coalfield a new lease of life. By the 1870s the Denbighshire trade was beginning to rival that from Flintshire. There was much migration into the area, with the population rising by 65% between 1841 and 1871. The railway into Wirral seems to have increased the peninsula's significance in Chester's trade. The city's influence, however, evidently reached no further than a line running from Parkgate to Eastham. Beyond that the pull of Liverpool and the growing commercial weight of Birkenhead were too strong. The railways also brought more long-distance tourists and customers to Chester, but although the trade from outside the immediate hinterland grew, it remained a relatively small proportion of the total. The railways also helped the development of new industries in Chester by reducing the cost of raw materials and making access to markets cheaper or faster however the city's manufacturing base remained limited.



Chester's engineering sector grew significantly, and the numbers employed in metalworking increased greatly between 1851 and 1871, particularly in the more modern trades. Older metal trades, such as nailmaking and whitesmithing, declined, presumably due to competition from elsewhere, but engineers, machine makers, mechanics, and iron manufacturers leapt in numbers. The new foundries and engineering firms were located in two main areas. The first lay between the canal and the railway around Brook Street, Egerton Street, and George Street, where the most important businesses were E. & B. Johnson, James Mowle, and James Rigg. None was actually on the Canalside itself or had direct rail access, and most occupied restricted sites hemmed in by housing which limited their possibility for expansion. The two railway wagon repair shops in the same area were linked of necessity to the railway:


 * The London and North Western Railway had a cramped works between Francis Street and City Road, to which rail access involved crossing the station approach road at street level.


 * The Birmingham Wagon Co.'s works occupied a better and more spacious site between Black Diamond Street and the Brook Street bridge. The company's main works was in Smethwick near Birmingham, and the branch in Chester maintained wagons leased to the railway companies and private operators.

The new industrial zone at Saltney was related directly to the arrival of the railway. Though administratively it was only partly within Chester, geographically and economically Saltney was an extension of the city. It developed rapidly into the city's most vibrant industrial area in the mid 19th century and made a large contribution to diversifying Chester's economic base. The trigger for its growth was the opening by the Shrewsbury and Chester Railway in 1846 of a wharf on the Dee adjacent to the railway junction with the Chester and Holyhead line. Industrial development began in 1847 with the establishment of Henry Wood & Co.'s anchor, chain, and general engineering works. The firm had been founded in Stourbridge (Worcs.) in 1786. The Saltney works, on Boundary Lane, had both a railway siding and access to Saltney wharf. A number of other firms followed Wood's to Saltney. Lloyd's Cambrian Chain and Anchor Testing Co., was set up in 1866. By 1870 three oil refineries were in operation, of which the largest was the Flintshire Oil & Cannel Co. at St. David's Oil Works. The others were E. S. Rogers & Co.'s British Oil Works and the Dee Mineral Oil Co., set up in 1869. They mostly processed crude oil produced from cannel coal in the Flintshire coalfield, and were part of an industry which boomed locally from 1858 to the 1880s. The Sal Ammonionic works was operating in Saltney as early as 1843, and in 1856 Proctor and Ryland moved there from Birmingham and opened a bone manure works on the riverside.



The railway also brought industry to Saltney on its own account. The Shrewsbury and Chester Railway established its locomotive and carriage works there in 1847, and after the company was acquired by the Great Western in 1854, the latter moved its standard-gauge carriage and wagon works from Wolverhampton to Saltney. The Victoria Waggon Co. was also operating at Saltney by 1860, though it had closed by 1870. Furthermore the goods yards at Mold Junction became the main concentration and distribution point for roofing slates from the north Wales quarries. Saltney's population grew from 554 in 1841 to 1,901 in 1871 as a result of the area's industrial development.

"Parry's Railway Companion" for the Journey from Chester to Holyhead (1848), opens it's description of the journey with a description of the station:


 * This grand central terminus station for all the lines meeting at Chester,—the London and North Western—the Chester and Holyhead—the Shrewsbury and Chester—the Chester and Birkenhead—and the Cheshire Junction Railways, — was designed by Mr. Thompson, the celebrated architect, of London, who planned the Derby station. It is admirably adapted for the purpose of developing all those facilities and conveniences which are the characteristics of the railway system. The length of this elegant building is 910 feet; the elevation is in excellent taste, and presents an imposing appearance; the centre range having two stories, of great architectural beauty, flanked by handsome towers 40 feet high. At each wing there is an arrival platform, for terminal trains, when journeys end at Chester, 250 feet long and 14 feet high. The principal departure platform, towards the main through lines from London to Holyhead, is 703 feet 6 inches long and 19 feet wide. This magnificent erection will also include a first-class refreshment room 41 feet by 25, a second-class refreshment-room 30 feet by 25, a first-class ladies' room 25 feet by 30, a first-class waiting-room 25 feet by 20, a kitchen 30j feet by 16, an electric telegraph office 20 feet by 15^, a parcel office 30J feet by 25, and a post-office 25 feet by 10.

Related Pages

 * Northgate Station;

Online

 * Virtual Stroll on the station;


 * Chester Station on Wikipedia;


 * Chester Station at English Heritage;


 * Train times for Chester;


 * September 1860 LNWR timetable;


 * A "Cook's Tour" of the Railway Station;



The Station Clock
This story is told in more detail on the page "Time".

Chester Station played a little known part in the development of time-keeping. Before embarking on any voyage, it was important that a ship’s chronometer should be set accurately to GMT and that any daily drift in its time keeping be known. This could be done by reference to time obtained at a localastronomical observatory equipped with a transit telescope. The procedure would entail either taking the ship’s chronometer to the observatory, or checking with the port authority’s display of a chronometer synchronised to an observatory’s master clock. Many ports provided a time signal each day either by operating a time ball at the quayside or by firing a cannon.



In 1857 the Magnetic Telegraph Cmpany (based in Liverpool and associated with the telegraph line which ran from Liverpool to Holyhead through Hilbre Island) acquired the patent of Robert Lewis Jones of Chester for regulating electric clocks. Jones was once a chemical supplier to the Tanning industry in Chester and then the manager at Chester Station. Jones apparently first applied his invention to the clock at Chester Station. This development in horology is described in "ELECTRIC CLOCKS" as follows:


 * "Mr. R. L. Jones, the station master (sic) of Chester, evolved the idea of sympathetic pendulums by simply applying Bain’s electro-magnetic pendulum bob to existing key-wound clocks. His Patent, No. 702, of 1857, claims the obvious advantages of perfect synchronisation, of independent life in case of electrical failure, and small current consumption. He applied it with success to his own turret clock at Chester and to a turret clock in the Victoria Tower in Liverpool. Then Mr. F. James Ritchie, of Edinburgh, took hold of it and supplied many observatories with pairs and triplets of sympathetic pendulums. In 1873, Ritchie carried it a step further. Realising what a very small expenditure of electrical energy was required to keep two tuned pendulums in phase, he was tempted to dispense with the spring or weight-driven maintenance with its merit of independent life, and drove the hands from the pendulum as Bain had done in his earliest earth-driven clocks, but by an improved method which may be described as a reversed gravity escapement."

Magnetic began to use Jones' clocks in its offices. The public appreciation of such clocks it measured from the large electric clock it had in the window of its office at Exchange Buildings, Liverpool, controlled by the Observatory at Bidston. On February 4, 1861 it counted the number of people who "took the time from the clock" between 6am and 5pm – the number totalled 1,860.

The Victoria Tower at the Birkenhead docks had a clock controlled from Bidston in the same way.

The career of Robert Lewis Jones illustrates well the changes happening in Chester: at first he was engaged in the chemical industry, manufacturing materials for the Tanning trade at the Canalside by Chemisty Lock in Boughton. After the arrival of the railways he became general manager of Chester Station and switched his patenting activities from chemistry to electricity. Fortunately for Chester, whose sea-trade and port had failed, the railway to Holyhead took the Roman coastal route rather than following the A5.

Unfortunately Jones' clock had a fairly serious technical flaw. This is described in A Rudimentary Treatise On Clocks, Watches & Bells for Public Purposes by Edmund Beckett (1903):


 * "Mr R L Jones when manager of the Chester Station, about 30 years ago, hit upon the ingenious plan of controling rather than attempting to drive a subordinate clock, by sending a current over its pendulum at every beat of the normal or governing clock. It does not matter if the current sometimes fails for a few seconds, or even minutes, unless the subordinate pendulum has time to get more than a whole beat wrong, in which the error would be augmented into two when the connection was resumed, which is a rather serious evil; and I understand this plan has been abandoned in some places which adopted it."

Despite Beckett's doubts we also learn that the clock in Liverpool was "attended with the most complete success" and was also proposed in Glasgow for controlling all of the public clocks in Glasgow, Port Glasgow, Greenock and Paisley after a successful trial in 1863 involving communication between the University clock on High Street and the Glasgow Horselethill Observatory. In the discussions at the time Jones himself reported that:


 * ".. a standard of accuracy of one tenth of a second had been maintained in all weathers and conditions. In addition the mechanism had been utilised for the operation of a time ball for the checking of chronometers, and that the system had been extended to include smaller clocks placed in shop windows and one at the Exchange Piazza."

The proposal was opposed by Charles Piazzi "Pyramid" Smyth, but then adopted and used successfuly for 50 years until its replacement by a nation-wide wireless radio service.

A Chester Railway Mystery


William Ewart Gladstone had a career lasting over 60 years, he served for 12 years as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, spread over four terms beginning in 1868 and ending in 1894. He also served as Chancellor of the Exchequer four times. Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 at Hawarden Castle, Hawarden, aged 88. He had been cared for by his daughter Helen who had resigned her job to care for her father and mother. The cause of death is officially recorded as "Syncope, Senility". "Syncope" meant failure of the heart and "senility" in the 19th century was an infirmity of advanced old age, rather than a loss of mental faculties. The House of Commons adjourned on the afternoon of Gladstone's death, with A.J. Balfour giving notice for an Address to the Queen praying for a public funeral and a public memorial in Westminster Abbey. The day after, both Houses of Parliament approved of the Address and Herbert Gladstone accepted a public funeral on behalf of the Gladstone family. His body was transported from Hawarden during the night of 25-26 May on a special train said to be pulled by the engine "Gladstone" now in the York Railway Museum. On reaching Willesden in north London, the coffin was transferred to the District line of the Underground (in which company Gladstone had been a shareholder since its flotation). The underground train took the coffin to Westminster. The journey is discussed in some detail in Gladstone’s Final Railway Journey. An illustration by Charles J. Staniland purports to show the train passing through Chester. In this the Cathedral and perhaps the Town Hall can be clearly seen in the background, but the bridge shown is a complete mystery.

Gladstone's grandson Will Gladstone MP was killed, by a sniper, in action near Laventie, on the 13th April 1915, three weeks after arriving in France. One of 22 MP's who died in WW1 Having initially been buried in France, special permission was granted by King George V for his body to be brought back to the United Kingdom. Nine days after his death, his body was disinterred and re-buried in the churchyard of St Deiniol's, Hawarden, Flintshire, Wales. Given that the body was repatriated so quickly, it is entirely likely that he also passed through Chester.

Dee Bridge Collapse


In late 1846, the Shrewsbury and Chester Railway, later to become part of the Great Western Railway, first carried traffic. From Saltney Junction, access was gained to Chester via the Chester & Holyhead Railway. This latter line was carried over the River Dee, in the same place where it crosses today, by three 98-foot spans of cast-iron girders resting on stone piers. Both the bridge and the line had been designed by the great railway engineer, Robert Stephenson. The design was not unlike that of the Tay Bridge, which collapsed some thirty years later.

On 24 May 1847, the driver of the 18:15 Chester-Ruabon train noticed something was amiss as his train, crossing the span of the bridge closest to Saltney, began to vibrate strongly. The driver boldly opened his throttle to clear the bridge and no sooner had he reached the bank than the bridge collapsed into the Dee, carrying away his unfortunate fireman, who was dashed against the stonework of the bridge and killed. The death toll included a guard, two coachmen and a few passengers (sources vary). Sixteen people (sources again vary) were badly injured, which is surprising considering that the whole train, except the engine, fell into the swirling waters of the tidal River Dee.

Curiously, Stephenson himself had inspected the bridge for safety earlier on the very same day. He had noted that hot coals falling from passing trains could set the wooden parts of the bridge structure alight and had ordered that the bridge deck be covered with tons of track ballast to prevent the oak beams supporting the track from catching fire. Undoubtedly, this massive loading of the structure with crushed stone contributed to the disaster.



The brave driver, whose name was Clayton, had just seen his fireman slain, but not only drove his train to Saltney to summon help, yet then recrossed the bridge on the other track to warn oncoming traffic. Stephenson's bridge design was condemned by the inspector of railways as being too weak and generally unsound. The Official Inquiry (one of the first formal inquiries into a structural failure) stated:




 * "The train passed safely over the first and centre openings or arches, and the engine appears to have reached the middle of the third opening, or within about 50 feet of the end of the bridge before the driver felt any sinking. When he did feel it, he states, that he instantly put on his full steam, and by the momentum succeeded in clearing the bridge with his engine, and dragging the tender up with him. The stoker who was upon the tender was thrown off upon the land, and killed. The carriages, with all the passengers, were precipitated into the river, a depth of 36 feet to the surface of the water, which, at the time of the accident, was about 10 feet deep in the middle. The tender, having got off the line, was dragged up, rubbing hard against the parapet wall at the end of the bridge, as is evident from the stone-work of the wall being much disturbed; and was left standing upright at about 50 feet from the water's edge, and three feet off the rails; the engine having broken away from it, and proceeded with the driver (the only individual that escaped) to the next station."

The following article comparing the Dee Bridge Disaster and the Tay Bridge Disaster appeared in the "Wrexham and Denbighshire Advertiser and Cheshire Shropshire and North Wales Register" on the 17th January 1880:




 * '''THE DEE RAILWAY BRIDGE DISASTER: Since the breaking down of the girder bridge over the river Dee, at Chester, thirty-three years ago, no railway calamity has occurred in this country of so appalling a nature as that which took place at the bridge over the Tay, near Dundee, on the night of Sunday, the 28th of Decem- ber, 1879. In magnitude, indeed, as well as, at present, in the circumstances of mystery and gloom in which the recent disaster is enveloped, the fall of the Dee viaduct is not to be compared with that of the Scottish structure. We were present at the inquest on the former occasion, and can never forget the intense excitement of those present in the court, an excitement which communicated itself in an unwonted manner, not only to the legal gentlemen concerned in the conduct of the case, but to the coroner, the magistrates, and the witnesses into the bargain. On that occasion, Major-General Pasley, one of the bravest officers who ever illustrated the distinguished corps for which he did so much, a man who made a plaything of death, trembled, turned pale, and became almost speechless under examination; so sorely did he feel the responsibility of having, some few months before, reported favorably as to the construction of the bridge. But the span of the Dee Bridge was only 108 feet. The girders which crossed that river were each formed of cast iron, in three pieces, bolted together, and trussed by wrought iron tension rods. The design was provided, under the sanction of Mr Robert Stephenson, by an engineer who was unique in his power of dealing with figures, but whose want of geometric sense, which is nurtured and invigorated by an early acquaintance with Euclid, was in this case unhappily illustrated. It was our opinion at the time, and one which has been rather confirmed than weakened by the reflections of a third of a century, that these truss rods were so disposed as to weaken, rather than to strengthen, the girders. The resistance to their strain was in the same direction as the resistance of the breaking weight. It came out on the evidence, with singular clearness, that the additional weight of a few inches thick of gravel which had been spread on the platform of the bridge, on the morning of the accident, had brought the insistent load so near the sustaining power of the bridge, that the weight and jar of the first train that went over the loaded structure were fatal. In our railway bridges and other building we have been apt to give full and proper attention, especially since the Dee Bridge fracture, to the question of breaking load and its due margin. We are taking for graated - and no doubt in so doing are ouly rendering common justice to the designers and constructors of the bridge - that the idea of the breaking down of the girder under the sheer weight of the train, as an efficient cause, is one that may be at once dismisssd from the mind. The structure is spoken of as remarkable for lightness and airy grace. But we have every confidence that neither the Scottish engineer nor the inspecting officer of the Board of Trade wolld have allowed themselves to make so closo an approach to the margin of safety as far as breaking weight was concerned. The additional surface exposed by the train to the wind, which has been compared by a naval observer to the hoisting of a sail of a vessel, may have added just that degree of resistance which passed the margin of the holding-down power of the structure. In case of a fracture under the weight of the train, the girder may be expected to be found very nearly under its original site. In case of an overturning of the structure by the wind, a sensible movement to the leeward may be anticipated.'''

Nowadays, it is possible to cross the river at this point by a footbridge (this has steep steps at either end) and L. T. C. Rolt (d.1974 - writer of "Red for Danger: A History of Railway Accidents and Railway Safety" (1955)) first gained his interest in trains while 'spotting' them from the trembling wooden footbridge as they passed on the far more sturdy replacement of the original bridge. Rolt was born in Chester and there is a commemorative plaque for him on the bridge by the canal dry dock.


 * Dee Bridge Collapse on Wikipedia;
 * A detailed discussion of the disaster;
 * A reprint of a paper on the disaster;
 * A first hand report on the disaster;
 * Peter R Lewis, Disaster on the Dee: Robert Stephenson's Nemesis of 1847, Tempus Publishing (2007) ISBN 978-0-7524-4266-2
 * A review of Peter Lewis' book - contains links to further information;
 * Dee Railway Bridge at "Heritage Locations";
 * Report to the Commissioners of Railways: by Mr. Walker Captain Simmons, R.E., on the Fatal Accident on the 24th day of May 1847, by the Falling of the Bridge over the River Dee, on the Chester and Holyhead Railway; together with any Minutes of the Commissioners thereupon;

Sutton Tunnel Disaster (1851)
On 26th. April 1851 the Manchester Guardian was advertising "Day Excursions" to Chester Races. The result was that 4,000 people arrived at Manchester Victoria Station on Chester Cup Day eager to travel to the races on this new route and there were problems assembling sufficient rolling stock to provide for this unexpected number of customers. All trains started late. The 7:45am, with 2 locomotives and 38 carriages arrived at Chester at 11:30 (over 2 hours late). It was clear to all that the trains were grossly overloaded - travellers on one train, of 50 carriages, had to get out and walk up an incline because the locomotive was incapable of moving the weight of the passengers.



Despite the cold weather on the 30th April 1851, the Roodee was crowded with over 18,000 as never before. The big race proved to be one of the most exciting ever seen, with 28 starters: the favourite being a horse called "Rhesus", at 4 to 1. The second favourite was "Italian" and other fancied horses included "Black Docter", "Hesse Hombourg" and "Russborough". After three false starts, they got away at the fourth attempt. Although Rhesus and Italian were always handy throughout the race, Nancy and Black Docter managed to establish themselves at the front. Then, on the run in, Hesse Hombourg and Rhesus put in a strong challenge; but somehow, Nancy and Black Docter managed to stay ahead to the winning post, with Nancy a neck ahead of the "Docter".

The Manchester people left the races smartly as they wanted to make sure they got home. By 6pm, the Station Master, one John Critchley, estimated that Chester Station was teeming with some 5,000 people. The first train was immediately filled, with people climbing on the carriage roofs, but they were ordered down "sternly" by Robert Lewis Jones, the Manager of Chester General Station. A second train left with some 430 passengers. The train departed and the crowd surged across the tracks to another standing in a siding and bearing a notice "Manchester via Warrington" on its side. This was quickly filled with some 900 passengers in only 18 small carriages. The train left the siding at about 6.50 pm hauled by the locomotive "Druid". It was assisted up the Hoole incline from Chester station by another locomotive, "No. 16", driven by David Evans, pushing at the back.

No. 16 returned to Chester to collect its own train and the train pulled by Druid made "good speed" to Frodsham where some passengers left it. Shortly after leaving Chester, it began to rain, and for George Allen, Druid's driver and Thomas Leach, his fireman, on the open footplate, it bacame very uncomfortable, but they were accustomed to this, having both worked on locomotive footplates for a number of years. The rain turned to sleet, and Druid's driving wheels had started to slip. From Frodsham station to the Sutton Weaver Viaduct there is an uphill gradient of 1:240 and the fireman and a local platelayer sanded the rails. Despite this the train made only slow progress, even on the level viaduct. Beyond the viaduct the tunnel also had an uphill gradient of 1:264 and it was a struggle to keep the train moving.

By this time the train hauled by No. 16 had left Chester with only 430 passengers and was catching up with Druid's train. By the time it arrived near Sutton tunnel it was only 55-64 m behind it. Druid's guard, Henry Blackford, signalled to the following train to come behind and push his train. This it did, but then No. 16's wheels also began to slip. In the middle of the 2 km tunnel the two trains came to a halt.

By now the next train, pulled by "Albert", had arrived in Frodsham station and it was allowed to leave two minutes later. At this precise moment, the two earlier trains were just entering Sutton Tunnel, but Henry Jones, the Station Master at Frodsham, had no means of knowing this. This was 14 minutes after No. 16's train had left and 24 minutes after Druid's train; the company's rules allowed trains to pass intermediate stations at intervals of five minutes. There was no formal signalling system in those days Henry Jones allowed William Dixon, Albert's driver, to leave without giving him any warning about the trains ahead of him.Albert's train entered the tunnel at 15–20 miles per hour. The driver noticed a lot of steam in the tunnel and stated that he slowed, but his train collided with the rear of No. 16's train. The guard from No. 16's train walked back with a red light and stopped the next train on the viaduct. Five people had been killed outright and four died later. Between 30 and 40 people were injured. About 1,600 people were crowded inside the tunnel in complete darkness. The Government Inspector Capt. R M Laffan, described:


 * "A scene of fearful confusion ensued: 1,600 passengers found themselves crowded together in perfect darkness: while some of them were endeavouring to procure themselves a light from the engines, the noise of another train was heard approaching and led all parties to dread a second collision."

The tunnel at 1 mile 154 yards long has only one ventilation shaft. The shaft was used to free some victims from the tunnel after the accident. Fortunattely for those trapped there was no fire, otherwise this could have become one of the worst railway disasters ever. Quintinshill rail disaster, Britains worst, only killed around 226.

The inquest on the dead was held in the Red Lion, Preston Brook, from the 3rd May until the 12th. The foreman of the jury was a Dr. Wilson from Preston Brook - Agent for Sir Richard Brooke of Norton Priory - and a verdict of "Accidental Death" was eventually returned. They added a rider to this, however, putting "great blame" on the Executive Committee of the Birkenhead, Lancashire and Cheshire Junction Railway Company, and they criticised their officers and servants for "want of prudence and discretion". Captain Laffin was critical of the secretary of the company, the locomotive superintendent, the three drivers, two of the guards and the Frodsham station master, but in particular he blamed the executive committee of the railway company. He made six recommendations: a station should be built at each end of the tunnel and that the stations should be connected by an electric telegraph; two guards should be provided on each train rather than one; the locomotive stock and number of carriages should be increased; a more efficient staff should be engaged; all passenger carriages passing through the tunnel should be provided with lights; the interval of five minutes between trains should be increased. The stations were built. At the Frodsham end the station went first by the name of Runcorn, then Runcorn Road, and finally Halton; it is now closed. At the other end was Norton station, which has been replaced by Runcorn East station.


 * Report on the disaster;
 * Sutton Tunnel Accident on Wikipedia;
 * The Railway Archive;
 * Sutton Tunnel;
 * 8A Rail - about the rail area of Liverpool, Merseyside and North Cheshire;
 * The North Wales Chronicle and Advertiser for the Principality 10th May 1851;

Derailment (1878)
The Wrexham Guardian for 13th July 1878 reported as follows:


 * '''"RAILWAY ACCIDENT AT CHESTER: While the 5.10 p.m. train from Chester to Birkenhead was passing the points opposite the ticket platform outside the Chester, station, on Monday, the two last carriages left the rails, and one of them, after dragging for some distance, was thrown over on its side. Ten of the passengers were severely shaken and injured. One of them, a pedlar from London, died in the Chester Imfirmary. The wounded were principally residents in Birkenhead and Liverpool. The following were also wonnded - Sarah Pierce, 61. Love Lane, Denbigh, contusions on the head; Mrs Henderson, Pentre Farm, near Prestatyn, and Mrs Ackerley, Capenhurst, injuries to head and legs. No furthor deaths have occurred from the accident, although one or two passengers still lie in a dangerous conditios at the Albion Hotel. Mr James Fisher, Cambrian View, Chester had his back badly bruised. An examination of the spot was made and a private inquiry held on Tuesday, by the leading officials of the joint railways. It is believed that the engine and four coaches having passed over the points the fifth coach struck some obstacle, and the speed being considerable, the carriage bounded off the metals and dragged with it the carriage behind. For 15 yards the two carriages were torn along the lines, the wheels ripping up the piping joint bars and signal wires, but curiously enough doing but little damage to the rails. The couplings at length snapped with the extreme tension, and the first wrecked carriage turned completely over on a small embankment, while the other carriage stood upright in an oblique position, right across the junction rails, some eight or ten yards back. The cries of the wounded in the first carriage were most distressing, and it was some little time before the large staff of officials could release them and reassure the alarmed passengers in the other carriages. Mr Tatlock, the Chester city coroner, opened an inquest at the Infirmary, on Wednesday, on the body of Benjamin Hyman. One or two witnesses - the engine driver of the train, another engine driver who saw the accident, and a man who was on the spot soon after it happened were examined, their evidence, after connecting the deceased with the occurrence, going to show the particular points at which the coach left the metals. The engine driver of a train which was standing by at the time said it occurred at the crossing points leading into a turning table, which was movable and worked from a box clcsa by; and that all the trains passed safely over the junction points connecting the Holyhead and Birkenhead lines. The driver of the Birkenhead train said he was quite unconscious of any shock, or of anything having happened, until his attention was attracted by the alarm given by another engine. A post-mortem examination was ordered, the inquest being adjourned for a week, in order to await the Government inspector's inquiry. All the other injured passengers, with one exception are progressing well; and all but two have left for their homes."'''

Chester General Fire


On 8 May 1972, another potentially serious accident happened at Chester General Station when a freight train carrying, just behind the engine, a large quantity of the light naphtha cut, "Gas-oil" (c.105 tons), together with kerosene (c.35 tons) and even more petrol (c.45 tons) had a brake failure and ploughed into the station (today's platform 5) at speed. Close to 200 tons of volatile hydro-carbons have a potential "explosive" equivalent to around 800 tons of TNT or 0.8kT (~5% of Hiroshima), but depending on the kinetics of ignition, are generally not as catastrophic. To put the potential into context, a 1-2kt TNT explosion can be heard hundreds of kilometers away and damage buildings and windows over a large area, a typical modern nuclear weapon, with a yield of a thousand times the Chester wreck (800kt) would vaporize the structures directly below it and produce an immense blast wave and high-speed winds, crushing even heavily built concrete structures within a couple of miles of ground zero, and causing fatal burns out to about ten miles.

The driver and a second driver travelling in the cab as a passenger, jumped clear from the runaway train at the last second after frantic efforts to stop it. The collision partly demolished the station restaurant on what is nowadays platform 4. The resulting fire could have been catastrophic, but was brought under control by Firemen before the explosive content of the train could wreak havoc.


 * The crash on Wikipedia;
 * The Official Report on the accident

Nearby disasters include the October 1996 Lightfoot Street Fire and the 1861 Queen Hotel fire (see below) illustrated famously by Chester artist Randolf Caldecott

Queen Hotel Fire


The Queen Hotel, located directly across from the Railway Station at the end of City Road, was designed by Penson and opened on the 21st April 1860, costing £29,000.00. A novel feature of the hotel were two iron lattice-work towers which could be ascended to obtain a view of Chester. It's promotions state that it was:


 * "built in the Italian style upon a beautiful piece of ground with sumptuous furnishings, a beautiful garden and offering the quietest and most spacious first class Hotel in Chester" (21st July, 1860).

The following year, in December 1861, the hotel was gutted by a major fire. Apparently, back in 59/60 the builders had put a wooden joist through one of the chimneys and over the course of the following year this slowly burned away until it could ignite the entire building. Randolph Caldecott's illustration of the Queen Hotel fire (his first published work) shows not only how major the fire was, but also shows the latticed "observation towers" that (unfortunately) were not rebuilt after the fire. Early guidebooks (pre-fire) refer to the Queen Hotel having a "patented heating system" in the basement, but this is not mentioned afterwards: maybe it also had something to do with the fire?

Nowadays, the Queen has all the fire precautions that one would expect of a major hotel, so the disaster of 1861 is very unlikely to be repeated. The "Victoria" statue of the queen was erected in 1963 to replace the old one. Messrs H. A. Clegg, stonemasons on the Chester Sealand Industrial Estate, were commissioned by the hotel to provide a new statue and this was produced by T. G. Murphy who had worked for twenty five years sculpting at Liverpool Cathedral. He studied postage stamps to gain an idea of the Queen's features. The statue cost £350. The roof of H. A. Clegg and sons had to be removed to get in the two ton of stone needed for the statue. It had to be removed again nine weeks later to get the statue out.


 * Queen Hotel at English Heritage;

Lightfoot Street Fires
Both buildings were originally part of the goods facilities at the station.

The first and second Lightfoot Street Fires occured in 1996 (when Pickfords went up in smoke) and 2010 (when the Enterprise Center followed).


 * First (Pickfords) Fire (video)


 * Second (Enterprise Center) Fire (BBC -includes video)


 * another theory... - no longer available.

Train Operating Incident
In 2013 Virgin Trains suffered a "Train Operating Incident" at Chester (that's a train crash in English). Fortunately, there was only a slight injury to a single passenger.

Simulations
The "Computer Game" Train Simulator 2020 features journeys which either start or end at Chester Station. The Station is fairly well modelled and the background (showing buildings visible from the track) is quite well done - with much recongnisable scenery in Hoole. Video's can be found on YouTube.

Welsh Steam Railways from Chester
Chester is an ideal place to start off for a railway holiday on the steam lines of north Wales. Conventional trains can get you to Aberystwyth and Festiniog from where coastal and steam lines can be picked-up.

Non-Steam Lines

 * The Cambrian Line runs from Shrewsbury (in Shropshire, England) to Aberystwyth (in Ceredigion) and Pwllheli (in Gwynedd), both on the west coast of Wales. The line from Dovey Junction to Pwllheli is sometimes called the Cambrian Coast Line.


 * Conwy Valley Line runs from Llandudno via Llandudno Junction (Welsh: Cyffordd Llandudno) to Blaenau Ffestiniog, and was originally part of the London and North Western Railway, being opened in stages to 1879.

Steam Lines

 * Vale of Rheidol Railway Aberystwyth to Devil's Bridge (also here);
 * Festiniog and Welsh Highland (also Ffestiniog Railway, and Welsh Highland Railway): The Welsh Highland Railway (WHR) or Rheilffordd Eryri is a 25-mile (40.2 km) long, restored 1 ft 11 1⁄2 in (597 mm) narrow gauge heritage railway in the Welsh county of Gwynedd, operating from Caernarfon to Porthmadog, and passing through a number of popular tourist destinations including Beddgelert and the Aberglaslyn Pass. The Ffestiniog Railway (Welsh: Rheilffordd Ffestiniog) is a 1 ft 11 1⁄2 in (597 mm) narrow-gauge heritage railway, located in Gwynedd, Wales. It is a major tourist attraction located mainly within the Snowdonia National Park: - it is roughly 13 1⁄2 miles (21.7 km) long and runs from the harbour at Porthmadog to the slate mining town of Blaenau Ffestiniog, travelling through forested and mountainous scenery. The line is single track throughout with four intermediate passing places. The first mile of the line out of Porthmadog runs atop an embankment locally called the Cob, which is the dyke of the Traeth Mawr "polder". Jessie Hartley, one of the Engineers who worked on the Grosvenor Bridge in Chester (and the Liverpool Docks) built the bridge over the river here as one of his first jobs and displayed his characteristic use of truly massive stone blocks;
 * Snowdon Mountain Railway;