Lucian the Monk

Lucian
Nothing is known about Lucian except what can be infered from "De laude Cestrie" (in praise of Chester). His emphasis on Chester and on the proper organisation of monasteries makes it extremely likely he was a monk of St Werburgh’s. Though it seems Lucian was not a native Cestrian, he explicitly states that he was educated at St Johns.

Lucian’s "De laude Cestrie" is preserved in a single late-twelfth-century manuscript: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 672. It is likely the manuscript and perhaps its marginal apparatus are in Lucian’s own hand. It is not known what happened to the manuscript when he finished it: it may have passed to the monks of St Werburgh’s or the canons of St Johns, or even to a foundation outside Chester. Bodley 672 is a small, fat book which would have slipped easily into Lucian’s pocket. The leaves measure 150x110mm, and, as in other protogothic books, the text is densely written with between 23 and 26 lines per page and the frequent use of abbreviations. The manuscript is still in its original binding. It now consists of 198 leaves. One leaf, or perhaps several, has been lost at the end. Bodley 672 was one of nineteen manuscripts which Thomas Allen (1540?-1632) presented to the Bodleian in 1601, shortly after its foundation. Allen, a member of Gloucester Hall in Oxford, began acquiring manuscripts from a variety of sources in 1563. It is not known where Allen acquired the manuscript of De laude Cestrie.

Content
A central theme of "De laude Cestrie" is how the everday character of the city and its geography relates to religion and belief. Lucian has the distinction of being one of the first ever writers of a "guidebook" to anywhere in England outside of London. There are earlier descriptions of York and Durham. The text proper begins with some reflections on the value of studying place and history:


 * The state of the times, the location of things and the occurence of events offer persuasive, unwritten instruction to each intelligent being. Manifoldness attracts the eye, variety provokes the intellect; and the subtler the eyesight of each being, the more penetrating will be his insight into these things. Certainly the field which is opened to human viewing for contemplation, consideration and reflection is so spacious and plentiful, that in this manifold variety fittingly might virtue be exercised and idleness reproached.

Lucian then describes how he was inspired to write by an unnamed canon of St John’s. This canon inspired him to consider the etymology of Chester (Cestria), which Lucian explains derives from cis tria (‘threefold’), relating the name to the merits of Chester’s bishop, archdeacon and clergy; to its lords, citizens and monks; and to the supplies which come from Ireland, Wales and England. Nowadays it is believed that the name of Chester has nothing to do with cis tria, but derives from the Latin castrum which was probably originally the term for an estate or a tract of land enclosed by a fence or a wooden or stone wall of some kind: and from this come the Welsh place name prefix "Caer" and English suffixes "Caster" and "Chester"; e.g. Winchester, Lancaster.

One example of his "threefold" comparisons is found in his description of the Eastgate:


 * Hec cum ita sint, ut dicamus pauca que restant: intendat Cestriae habitator, exeunti portam orientalem, qualiter ei trinus uiarum trames aperitur et pulcra super locorum uocabulis, que se offerunt, consideracio inuenitur; nec solum pulcra, set etiam iocunda. Nam progressus paululum a ciuitate si directus incedit, statim a fronte uenientem locus excipit, quem nominant Villam Christi; si uero flectit ad dexteram alter locus, quem uocant incole, Veterem Vadum; si autem uertitur ad sinistram, uenitur ad locum, quem de latibulis insidiantium, recte dicunt Vallem Demonum.


 * "The native of Chester remembers how three roads branch off outside Eastgate and how beautiful and pleasing are the names of the places to which they lead. The road straight in front leads to Christ's Town (Christleton), that on the right to the Old Ford (Aldford) but if it turns to the left it comes to a place which they rightly call the Valley of Demons (Hoole) with reference to the hiding places of those who lie in wait... the wanderer... is despoiled by thieves and robbers"

Lucien is sometimes short on detail - we cannot be sure which road junction he is referring to in his description reproduced above - is this outside the Eastgate at the branch of Frodsham/Foregate/St John streets? or the junction at Boughton? This not a simple puzzle, in the 1370s, after Lucien was writing, one source holds that the road to Hoole left Chester by the Northgate and turned right along Bag Lane (later George Street) ot St Annes Street, and only later did the route go from the Eastgate. An alternative source refers to the removal of a gate from the Kaleyards to what is now Frodsham Street in 1323. The road was realigned through the villages of Hoole and Mickle Trafford when it was turnpiked as far as the existing turnpike at Warrington in 1786 (it was disturnpiked in two parts in 1870 and 1883). Also, prior to the construction of the Groves, it would not have been possible to get from Eastgate to the Old Dee Bridge without re-entering the city. If Lucien is referring to Boughton, then he does not mention the old Roman road which was in use at his time as an important saltway from Northwich. It it probable that in describing road geography outside Eastgate, as in other places, Lucien distorts geography into allegory.

Lucian describes Chester’s location, natural resources, trading partners and street plan, encouraging its citizens to notice how generously God has provided for the city. Lucian’s description culminates by encouraging anyone standing in the "marketplace" to look east to St Johns, west to St Peter, north to St Werburgh’s (the present Cathedral) and south to St Michael. This might seem odd, even when considering that the "marketplace" probably refers to the upper end of Bridge Street, as St Peter's is located at the "marketplace": however Lucian also associates the city gates with these four religious institutions. The Eastgate is associated with St Johns and St John the Baptist; the Watergate is associated with St Peter; the Northgate with St Werburgh; and the Bridgegate with St Michael. Once again, Lucian is prepared to distort geography to suit his religious comparisons - in this case a "fourfold" comparison.

As regards the inhabitants, Lucian has some interesting views:


 * If anyone should seek, either in full or the part, to compare the habits of the locals to those living elsewhere on earth they will be found somewhat dissimilar, somewhat better to other Englishmen, and somewhat the same. When compared to usual habits, they seem particularly sociable in feasting, lively at table, generous in hospitality, quick to anger, eloquent, intolerant of servitude or subjection, kindly to the afflicted, compassionate to the poor, favourable to their kin, not working too hard, free from the gall of deceit, not at all greedy, honest, often borrowing other people's property without leave, richly supplied with woods and meadows and with meat and cattle, adjacent to the Welsh on one side and, through a long exchange of customs, for the most part similar.

When was "De laude Cestrie" written?
Lucian appears to have worked on the manuscript (and his text) over a number of years, conceivably mostly between 1195 and 1200 - although the text does mention the later King John (6 April 1199 – 18/19 October 1216) being present at a joust in Chester (still as Prince John). This would have been within the Earldom (1181-1232) of Ranulf de Blondeville. The most likely abbot at the time of Lucians writing was either Geoffrey, the seventh Abbot (1194-1208) or less likely Geoffry's successor, Abbot Hugh Grylle (elected 1208, died 1226), who was afterwards remembered as overseeing a major building phase at the abbey (which Lucian never mentions). Geoffry frequently complained that the church was in ruins, and that there was no money with which to rebuild it, but he succeeded in getting sufficient funds together to rebuild the choir. Pastoral letters appealing for funds are extant from Peter de la Roche bishop of Winchester dated in 1205 and from William bishop of Coventry shortly after which describe the state of the church as deplorable with the choir open to the weather and without doors. Geoffrey, in language doubtless exaggerated, describes the state of the choir at the time as


 * "intolerably threatened with ruin, and threatening with danger of death those who assisted at the divine offices."

De Laude Cestrie contains, in addition to much praise of the virtue and learning of the monks, several accounts of the hospitality provided both to fellow religious and to travellers. One such example reads:


 * The seats about their table are worn by reason of the many meals given to strangers, such is their innate liberality. Here travellers to and from Ireland find rest, companionship and shelter while waiting for wind and tide.

He also writes of the rare "respite from columns or troops".

There does seem to have been a strong connection with Ireland at the time - unsurprising given that the English were busy conquering it, and Chester was a major port in the campaign (hence the reference to the monks having "seldom respite from columns and troops". However it is of course impossible for the monks to have fed large numbers of troops, and "travellers" may refer only to those visiting a colony of monks which was sent to Ireland from Chester in 1183. At that time John de Courcy gave ten carucates of land to the abbey in order that it should supply a prior and monks to replace the secular canons whom he had expelled from the church of St. Patrick in Downpatrick, Patrick's burial place. This abbey was independent of that at Chester and was destroyed by an earthquake in 1245 having been part-ruined for some time. The restored Cathedral was burned down by Edward Bruce in 1315 and subsequently rebuilt and destroyed several times.

A sub-text?


Lucian may have a sub-text in writing of such generous hospitality by the monks. Robert II had died 31st August 1184 leaving the abbacy vacant. This came at an unfortunate time: Hugh de Kevelioc had died in 1181 and his son Ranulf de Blondeville (born 1170) was a ward of Henry II until 1187. Henry took the oportunity to seize the abbey and pass it on to Hugh de Nonant - bishop of Coventry. The vacancy was ended by the appointment in 1186 of Robert of Hastings, a monk of Christ Church, Canterbury and a partisan of Archbishop Baldwin - Archbishop of Canterbury between 1185 and 1190. William of Newburgh noted that Baldwin (a Cistercian) has sought to replace monks with secular canons at the great cathedrals - de Nonant had acted in a similar way. Nonant had a dispute with the monks of his cathedral chapter which led to Nonant replacing the monks with secular clergy. He was said to have commented that "I call my clerks gods and the monks demons." Nonant was very shrewd and eloquent, but he was also violent in his attempts to reform or expel his monastic clergy from Coventry. In October 1189 he attempted to persuade his fellow bishops who had monastic cathedral chapters to expel the monks and replace them with secular clergy. He also attempted to get all the bishops to prosecute a joint case at Rome to expel the monastic cathedral chapters, but gave up that idea after the Archbishop of Canterbury, (Baldwin) declined to go along. Nonant did, however, receive papal sanction for the replacement of monks at Coventry.

After King Richard went off on the Third Crusade (1189–1192), Nonant supported the efforts of Prince John, King Richard's brother, to seize power in England. Nonant joined with John in trying to wrest control of the castles of Tickhill and Nottingham from William Longchamp, the Bishop of Ely, who had been named justiciar and chancellor during Richard's absence. It was probably Nonant that was responsible for the meeting at Loddon Bridge on 5 October 1191 that ended in the deposition of Longchamp from office. De Nonant supported John's side throughout the time that Richard was on Crusade and in captivity, and was tried with John after Richard's return to England in early 1194.

Hastings' appointment was not popular with the monks of Chester; the general confirmation of possessions and privileges obtained from Clement III contained a provision for the orderly election of abbots and in 1194, after protracted litigation, Robert of Hastings' rival, Geoffrey, obtained the abbacy with the help of the now adult Earl Ranulf (who himself returned from the crusade in 1194) and at the price of a pension of 20 marks a year for Hastings. The death of Archbishop Baldwin at Acre in November 1190 probably helped Geoffrey's case as it deprived Robert of his protector. As recorded in the Chronicle of Chester:


 * mcxciiij Confirmatus est abbas Galfridus in abbatia de Cestra disceptans et litigans coram archiepiscopo Huberto Cantuariensi contra Robertum de Hastinges quondam abbatem Cestrie tandem patrocinante Sancta Werburga et glorioso Comite Cestrensi Rannulpho Galfridus optinuit dignitatem suam reddendo annuatim supradicto Roberto de Hastinges xx marcas duobus terminis et sic pacificati sunt. (1194 The abbot Geoffrey was confirmed in the abbey of Chester after much dispute and litigation with Robert de Hastings the former abbot, before Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury; at last, by the assistance of S. Werburg, and of the glorious earl Randle, of Chester, Geoffry obtained his dignity on the terms of paying an annual pension to the above-mentioned Robert de Hastings of twenty marks by two half-yearly payments; and so peace was made between them.)

The "Hubert" here is Hubert Walter. Walter, as Archbishop of Canterbury had revived the scheme of his predecessor, Baldwin to found a church in Canterbury that would be secular and not monastic. He promised that the new foundation's canons would not be allowed to vote in archiepiscopal elections nor would the body of Saint Thomas Becket ever be moved to the new church, but the monks of his cathedral chapter were suspicious and appealed to the papacy. The dispute from the time of Baldwin of Forde flared up again, with the papacy supporting the monks and the king supporting the archbishop. Finally, Pope Innocent III (1198-1216) ruled for the monks and ordered Walter to destroy what had been built.

Sources and Links

 * Mapping Medieval Chester;
 * Wikipedia on "De_lade_Cestrie";
 * Virtual Stroll;
 * Lucian's text;